Chapter 60 Major Developments in the Cultural Sphere
During the Spring and Autumn period, along with the development of productive forces, science and technology also advanced correspondingly. Fields such as astronomy and calendrical science achieved breakthrough developments during this era.
The preliminary system of Chinese astronomy was established during this period. In ancient times, driven by the needs of agricultural development and political governance, rulers consistently attached great importance to the advancement of astronomy. Not only did the Zhou royal court maintain specialized personnel for astronomical and calendar-making duties, but other vassal states did as well. Consequently, many famous astronomers emerged, such as Zi Shen of the State of Lu, Bu Yan of the State of Jin, and Zi Wei of the State of Song.
Successive years of warfare and frequent floods and droughts were characteristic of the Spring and Autumn period. Natural disasters and man-made calamities made it difficult for people to lead peaceful and stable lives. Under such circumstances, people had little choice but to place their faith in astrology to seek some psychological solace. This circumstance contributed to early astronomers acquiring the abilities of astrologers. By observing and studying celestial phenomena through astrology, they could predict not only the trajectories of the five planets but also the exact times of solar and lunar eclipses. This series of practices played a highly beneficial role in accumulating astronomical data and uncovering the laws of celestial motion.
The book *Chunqiu* (Spring and Autumn Annals) records numerous results of celestial observations from this period. For instance, it documents the earliest recorded total solar eclipse, which occurred on the *jisi* day in the second month of the third year of Duke Yin of Lu (February 22, 720 BCE)—a record a full one hundred and thirty-five years earlier than Western records. It also records the earliest mention of meteorites in the sixteenth year of Duke Xi: "Meteorites fell in Song, five in number." Furthermore, the world's earliest record of the Lyrid meteor shower is found in the *Zuo Zhuan*: "In the summer, fourth month, on the *xinzmao* day, at night the fixed stars were not visible, and in the middle of the night stars fell like rain" (the seventh year of Duke Zhuang, corresponding to March 16, 687 BCE).
With the further advancement of astronomy and the accumulation of sufficient astronomical data, an astral coordinate system represented by the Twenty-Eight Mansions was established during this period. The stellar phenomena near the celestial equator or the ecliptic were divided into twenty-eight distinct stellar regions, with each region being known as a mansion—hence the origin of the Twenty-Eight Mansions. Their sequential arrangement is as follows: the Seven Mansions of the East (Azure Dragon): Horn, Neck, Root, Room, Heart, Tail, and Winnowing Basket; the Seven Mansions of the North (Black Tortoise): Dipper, Ox, Girl, Emptiness, Danger, Encampment, and Wall; the Seven Mansions of the West (White Tiger): Straddler, Bond, Stomach, Pleiades, Hairy Head, Beak, and Tripartite; and the Seven Mansions of the South (Vermilion Bird): Well, Ghost, Willow, Star, Extended Net, Wings, and Crossbar. Additionally, books such as the *Classic of Poetry* and the *Xia Xiaozheng* recorded the names of several stellar mansions.
The *Zuo Zhuan*, under the first year of Duke Zhao, records: "In ancient times, Emperor Gaoxin had two sons; the elder was named Ebo, and the younger was named Shichen... Ebo was transferred to Shangqiu, taking charge of the star *Chen*. The merchants relied upon this, hence *Chen* became the Shang star. Shichen was transferred to Dahai, taking charge of the star *Can*. The people of Tang relied upon this to serve the Xia and Shang." The stars *Can* and *Chen* mentioned here refer to the constellations of the Shang star and the Can star. From this record, it is evident that people at that time already possessed a relatively widespread knowledge of the stellar mansions. At that time, the Three Enclosures, the Four Symbols, and the Twenty-Eight Mansions were commonly used astral groupings, from which the ancient Chinese stellar region system was formed and developed.
During this period, people also derived certain theoretical doctrines concerning the origin, structure, and evolution of the universe while observing the laws of celestial motion, which laid a solid foundation for the later development of astronomy.
In addition to astronomy, calendrical science during the Spring and Autumn period also experienced tremendous development.
Ancient Chinese calendars were rich in content, encompassing many aspects such as the arrangement of long and short months, the scheduling of solar terms, and the distribution of days in each month. The primary purpose of establishing a calendar was to serve agricultural affairs and facilitate people's daily productive activities. Therefore, whether the transitions of solar terms could be calculated accurately and regularly became an important criterion for evaluating the quality of a calendar. The calendar of China's Spring and Autumn period was already quite advanced, holding a leading position in the world. The "Quarter-Remainder Calendar" (*Sifen Li*), which appeared in the late Spring and Autumn period, was an important representative of this era.
The "Quarter-Remainder Calendar" was a calendar formulated on the basis of a tropical year length of 365 and one-quarter days, incorporating seven intercalary months within every nineteen lunar years. It should be pointed out that ancient Chinese calendars were lunisolar from the beginning, meaning that the solar and lunar calendars were used in tandem. The so-called solar calendar was formulated based on the movement cycle of the sun, while the so-called lunar calendar, also known as the lunisolar calendar, was formulated based on the waxing and waning phases of the moon. The sun's complete circuit is called a tropical year, while the moon's synodic cycle is a synodic month. The most difficult problem confronting the lunisolar calendar adopted by China was how to insert intercalary months.
The length of a tropical year is a little over 365 days, whereas a synodic month is a little over 29 days. Consequently, designing an accurate calendar required a great deal of wisdom. Synodic months were divided into long months of 30 days and short months of 29 days. Consequently, twelve synodic months totaled 354 or 355 days, falling short of a tropical year by ten to eleven days. Calculated this way, over a span of three years, the discrepancy would exceed one synodic month. Through accumulated experience, the ancients gradually discovered the method of inserting intercalary months.
If an intercalary month were inserted every three years, the lunar calendar would fall short of the solar calendar by several days; if three intercalary months were inserted every eight years, the lunar calendar would exceed the solar calendar by several days. In short, neither approach was entirely accurate. Through years of cumulative observation, people finally discovered the method of adding seven intercalary months within nineteen lunar years, which made the total duration almost identical to nineteen solar years.
According to records in the *Zuo Zhuan*, the State of Lu measured the winter solstice twice: once on the *xinhai* day of the first month in the fifth year of Duke Xi of Lu (655 BCE), and once on the *jichou* day of the second month in the twentieth year of Duke Zhao of Lu (522 BCE). These two winter solstices were separated by 133 years. From this, it can be deduced that the State of Lu had already begun adopting the method of adding seven intercalary months within nineteen lunar years to set its calendar during the Spring and Autumn period. Although China had not yet formulated a rule-based changing calendar during the Spring and Autumn period, the emergence of the "Quarter-Remainder Calendar" sufficiently demonstrates the extraordinary wisdom of the people of that era. Furthermore, the method of adding seven intercalary months within nineteen lunar years employed by the "Quarter-Remainder Calendar" continued to be practiced in subsequent dynasties, serving as an important crystallization of the wisdom of ancient Chinese people.
As Confucius remarked, this was an era when "propriety collapsed and music was ruined." During the Spring and Autumn period, with the development of productive forces, production relations and the land tenure system underwent corresponding transformations, accompanied by the decline of ritual institutions and the rise of the prefecture-county system. Changes in the political and economic foundation triggered drastic upheavals in the ideological and cultural realms. Private schools arose, and various ideological trends emerged one after another, creating the historical phenomenon of the "Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought."
The "Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought" greatly advanced legal thought during this period. Thinkers from various schools engaged in fierce debates over the issues of "rule by ritual" and "rule by law," with the Confucian, Legalist, and Daoist schools serving as the primary representatives.
Confucius was a representative of Confucian legal thought. He advocated the simultaneous use of rituals and punishments, attempting through his own efforts to rescue and uphold the traditional "rule by propriety." The core of his legal thought was "tempering leniency with severity, and balancing tension with relaxation." It is recorded in the *Analects of Yan Yuan* that Ji Kangzi asked Confucius about government, saying, "If I were to kill those who lack the Dao in order to approach those who possess the Dao, how would that be?" Confucius replied, "You are here to govern; what need is there for killing? If you desire goodness, the people will be good." This dialogue contained Confucius's bold vision regarding the elimination of crime and the application of penal law.
Representative figures of the Legalist school during this period mainly included Guan Zhong, Zi Chan, and Deng Xi. Unlike the conservatism of the Confucians, the Legalists adapted to the developmental trends of the times, put forward propositions for reform, and established new statutes and decrees. As precursors of the Legalism, Guan Zhong and others advocated "governing the state by law," emphasizing the normative, fair, and public nature of law. This proposition exerted a profound influence on the later development of Legalist thought.
The continuous development of legal thought propelled the transformation of the legal system. In the early Spring and Autumn period, the laws of the Western Zhou dynasty continued to be observed by all vassal states, with each state adopting the form of customary law. Even when new legal forms such as royal decrees emerged, they were expressed in unwritten forms. This remained applicable while productive forces were underdeveloped; however, as production relations continuously transformed, the inherent unreasonableness of the original legal framework gradually became exposed. To adapt to new social needs, by the middle and late Spring and Autumn period, various states initiated a massive transition from customary law to written law. Among these, the most prominent activities were the State of Zheng "casting penal codes," Deng Xi's "bamboo penal code," and the State of Jin "casting the penal tripod."
According to the *Zuo Zhuan*, under the sixth year of Duke Zhao: "In the third month, the people of Zheng cast the penal codes." Du Yu annotated this as: "Casting the penal codes on a tripod to serve as the constant law of the state." This was a responsive measure taken by Zi Chan, the executive statesman of Zheng, in view of the immense changes that had already taken place in social relations and the severe destruction of the old ritual institutions. Historically known as "casting the penal codes," this was also the first recorded instance of promulgating written law in Chinese history. Casting legal statutes upon a tripod—a symbol of state power—both highlighted the dignity of the law and ensured its powerful dissemination throughout the realm.
However, the specific contents of the penal codes cast by Zi Chan can no longer be examined in detail today. Nevertheless, from certain records in the *Zuo Zhuan*, it can be inferred that Zi Chan advocated severe punishments and stern laws, which was consistent with the later Legalist school.
Decades later, Deng Xi, a grand master of the State of Zheng, synthesized the laws of various states at the time, compiled them into penal statutes, and inscribed them on bamboo strips, which became known as the "bamboo penal code." Because the "bamboo penal code" was an individual creation by Deng Xi, it initially possessed no legal validity. Later, "Si Shuai of Zheng executed Deng Xi and adopted his bamboo penal code," whereupon the "bamboo penal code" was recognized by the ruling authorities and became official law. Compared to "casting the penal codes," the "bamboo penal code" possessed characteristics such as ease of carriage and widespread circulation, representing a major advancement in legal history.
Prior to the "casting the penal tripod" activity, the State of Jin had already formulated and revised laws on multiple occasions. For instance, during the time of Duke Wen of Jin, the "Beilu Code" had been formulated, and during the time of Duke Jing of Jin, the laws of Jin had been revised. Although the State of Jin already possessed written laws by this time, none of them had yet been made public.
In 513 BCE, the second official promulgation of written law in Chinese history took place in the State of Jin. The *Zuo Zhuan* records: "Zhao Yang and Xun Yin led troops to fortify Ruibin, and accordingly levied an assessment of iron from the State of Jin to cast a penal tripod, upon which they inscribed the penal codes formulated by Fan Xuanzi." That is to say, Zhao Yang and his associates officially cast the penal codes compiled by the former chief minister Fan Xuanzi onto a tripod and made them public to the people, an event historically known as "casting the penal tripod."
In addition to the States of Zheng and Jin during the Spring and Autumn period, the State of Chu also formulated laws on two occasions: the Puqu Law formulated during the reign of King Wen of Chu, and the Maomen Law during the reign of King Zhuang of Chu. Furthermore, the State of Chu instituted the "Law of Impending Desertion": if Chu mobilized troops for mutual defense, any commander who fled was executed; if he died before execution could be carried out, "he was placed in a three-inch paulownia wood coffin, with an axe and a chopping block placed upon it, and paraded through the state as an example."
Besides these, the State of Song also engaged in activities to promulgate written law, historically referred to as "penal implements." In addition, several other vassal states, in order to adapt to the needs of social development, correspondingly promulgated various written laws.
During the Spring and Autumn period, the transition from unwritten law to written law held epoch-making significance in the history of ancient Chinese legal systems. First, the formulation and promulgation of written law terminated the esoteric and mysterious status of the law, enabling it to be made public to the populace. Second, the promulgation of written law guaranteed the interests of the newly rising social strata, thereby promoting the development of feudal production relations and the forward march of social history. Third, following the promulgation of written law, the ritual system was replaced by a legal system, which laid the foundation for later Legalist legislation. Finally, the emergence of written law met the needs of social development and conformed to the trend of history, holding profound significance in the history of Chinese legal institutions.
Profound Words with Substantial Meanings: What Did the *Chunqiu* Say?
The *Chunqiu* is hailed as China's earliest chronological history book and is classified as an important Confucian classic. It primarily records the history of the State of Lu from the first year of Duke Yin (722 BCE) to the fourteenth year of Duke Ai (481 BCE); thus, the book *Chunqiu* is essentially the chronological history of Lu. The *Chunqiu* also bears a little-known alternative name, *Lin Jing* (The Classic of the Qilin). In terms of its writing style, the language of the *Chunqiu* is concise, and its depiction of historical events is succinct, with the entire book totaling slightly over eighteen thousand words.
Due to the succinct linguistic characteristics of the *Chunqiu*, explanatory works designed to interpret it emerged, known as "commentaries" (*zhuan*). The most famous among these are the "Three Commentaries on the Spring and Autumn Annals": the *Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn*, the *Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn*, and the *Guliang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn*.
The *Gongyang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn* was authored by Gongyang Gao, and the *Guliang Commentary on the Spring and Autumn* was authored by Guliang Chi; both books were completed in the early Western Han dynasty. These two books share a common characteristic: they strive to elucidate Confucius's "profound words with substantial meanings" and interpret the true intentions behind the *Chunqiu* compiled by Confucius.
The *Zuo Commentary on the Spring and Autumn* was authored by Zuo Qiuming, a historian of the State of Lu in the late Spring and Autumn period. This book is also commonly called the *Zuo Zhuan* or the *Zuo's Spring and Autumn*. Zuo Qiuming was a contemporary of Confucius, making his interpretations of the Spring and Autumn inevitably more accurate and authentic than those of later generations. Moreover, Confucius held Zuo Qiuming in very high regard, and their dispositions were quite similar. This is well demonstrated by the record in the *Analects* (*Gongye Chang*): "Clever words, a pleasing appearance, and excessive deference—Zuo Qiuming was ashamed of such things, and Qiu is also ashamed of them. Concealing resentment while befriending a person—Zuo Qiuming was ashamed of such things, and Qiu is also ashamed of them." Confucius classed himself together with Zuo Qiuming, which amply reveals how deeply Confucius valued him. Put thus, the *Zuo Zhuan* alone can truly embody the genuine intentions of Confucius.
As a historian, Zuo Qiuming fully appreciated the historical value of the *Chunqiu* when interpreting it, devoting greater effort and space to the depiction of historical events. Zuo Qiuming was particularly adept at narrative; when recounting historical incidents, his accounts were well-organized and rich in detail, enabling people to better understand the events mentioned in the *Chunqiu*. Furthermore, the *Zuo Zhuan* excelled remarkably in character portrayal and the recording of diplomatic rhetoric. Its descriptions of individuals were meticulous down to the finest detail, while its recording of speeches was clever and deeply insightful. It was precisely these characteristics of the *Zuo Zhuan* that compensated for the deficiencies of the *Chunqiu* as a historical work, while the artistic expressive power of the *Zuo Zhuan* was also superior to that of the *Chunqiu*.
During the Wei and Jin dynasties, people began appending the commentaries of the *Zuo Zhuan*, the *Gongyang Commentary*, and the *Guliang Commentary* directly after the text passages of the *Chunqiu*. Today, what people generally read are these combined texts of the Three Commentaries.
Regarding why Confucius compiled the *Chunqiu*, Sima Qian of the early Western Han dynasty had already provided an explanation. The *Shiji* (*Records of the Grand Historian*) describes Confucius's motivation in the following manner: "I heard Master Dong say: 'When the Way of Zhou declined and fell, Confucius served as the Minister of Crime for Lu. The vassal states harmed him, and the high ministers obstructed him. Confucius knew that his words were not being employed and that the Dao was not being put into practice. Therefore, out of these two hundred and forty-two years, he made a standard for the realm: disparaging the Son of Heaven, demoting vassal states, and reprimanding high ministers, thereby making the kingly enterprise understood.' The Master said: 'Rather than entrusting my ideas to empty words, it is better to manifest them through vivid, profound, and clear actions.'" Judging from Sima Qian's perspective, Confucius compiled the *Chunqiu* because "the Way of Zhou was in decline," various affairs could not be executed, and morality no longer existed; rather than uttering useless moralizing preachings, it was better to let real events speak for themselves, using them to warn and caution later generations.
From this, it can be seen that the true purpose of Confucius in compiling the *Chunqiu* was not merely to record history, but rather to use the numerous events that occurred in history to admonish later generations, signaling that the rituals of Zhou were no more, and expressing the hope that mankind could return to the ritual institutions of the early Zhou. Consequently, Confucius's ideological inclination was exceedingly clear: anything that could return to the Zhou rituals was good; conversely, anything contrary to them was bad. This exerted a significant influence on the historiographical value of the *Chunqiu*. The renowned Chinese scholar Hu Shi once offered this evaluation: "The book *Chunqiu* can only be read as a reference book for Confucius's doctrine of 'rectification of names,' but it must not be regarded as a model history book... The objective of the *Chunqiu* does not lie in recording factual events, but simply in expressing an individual's personal moral judgment upon those actual events." It can be said that Hu Shi hit the nail on the head regarding the writing purpose and inner value of the *Chunqiu*.
The *Chunqiu* has been regarded by the majority as a work of political science. Throughout past dynasties, numerous people have interpreted the *Chunqiu*, continually exploring Confucius's political ideals and governance philosophies. Some have proposed viewing the *Chunqiu* simultaneously as a classic and as history, which seems to accord even more closely with Confucius's original intention in writing the book, enabling people to better perceive and comprehend this work. The *Chunqiu* is a treasured gem among Chinese cultural classics and a masterpiece worthy of continuous study and exploration by future generations.
The *Classic of Poetry* (*Shijing*), also known as the *Poems* or the *Three Hundred Poems*, is China's first anthology of poetry. It compiles a total of three hundred and five poems spanning approximately five years from the early Western Zhou dynasty to the middle of the Spring and Autumn period. It initiated the realistic style of ancient Chinese poetic creation, showcased the social life of China's Zhou dynasty, and presented readers with the historical panorama of Chinese slave society from its flourishing to its decline.
The "Six Arts" of the *Classic of Poetry* refer to *Feng* (Airs), *Ya* (Odes), *Song* (Hymns), *Fu* (Exposition), *Bi* (Comparison), and *Xing* (Arousal). The *Rites of Zhou: Master of Spring* records: "Teach the six types of poetry: namely *Feng*, *Fu*, *Bi*, *Xing*, *Ya*, and *Song*." The designations *Feng*, *Ya*, and *Song* refer to the three musical categories into which the *Classic of Poetry* is divided.
*Feng* refers to the local folk music of different regions. There are one hundred and sixty pieces categorized under *Feng*, primarily including the Airs of Zhou Nan, Zhao Nan, Bei, Wei, Wang, Wei, Qin, and Bin, which are also collectively called the Fifteen Airs of the States, the majority being folk songs from the Yellow River valley. *Feng* represents the portion of the *Classic of Poetry* with the highest literary achievement. It originated from the most vivid lives of ordinary people, featuring chants about beautiful or mournful love, expressions of longing for home and family by wandering travelers and conscripted soldiers, and grievances and anger directed against exploitation and oppression.
*Ya* refers to the official court music of the regions directly administered by the Zhou royal house. *Ya* includes Lesser Odes (*Xiao Ya*) and Greater Odes (*Da Ya*), totaling one hundred and five pieces. Except for a small number of folk songs contained within the *Lesser Odes*, the majority are poems composed by aristocratic literati for ceremonies such as ancestral sacrifices and banquets, with contents primarily dedicated to praising the virtuous deeds of former ancestors and praying for an abundant harvest in the coming year.
*Song* refers to dance music and song lyrics praising achievements and virtues during ancestral temple sacrifices. The *Hymns* are further subdivided into thirty-one pieces of the *Hymns of Zhou* (*Zhou Song*), four pieces of the *Hymns of Lu* (*Lu Song*), and five pieces of the *Hymns of Shang* (*Shang Song*), totaling forty pieces. All of these are works composed by aristocratic literati.
The terms *Fu*, *Bi*, and *Xing* constitute the primary expressive techniques of the *Classic of Poetry*. *Fu* is defined as "laying out: laying out a matter and speaking of it directly"; it involves the direct description and narration of objects or events, serving as the most fundamental expressive technique in the *Classic of Poetry*. *Bi* means "comparing this thing to that thing," encompassing various methods such as explicit and implicit metaphors. *Xing* refers to association—being touched by the scenery and generating emotion, initiating a theme by means of an external object. This expressive technique is relatively unique within the *Classic of Poetry* and indeed across the majority of Chinese poetry.
Through the alternating interplay of *Fu*, *Bi*, and *Xing*, the *Classic of Poetry* vividly presents the lives of the early ancestors of the Spring and Autumn period to readers. The men and women of the *Classic of Poetry* walk in and out of palace chambers and family courtyards, roam city gates and suburban fields, gallop across battlefields and hunting grounds, scurry through rural villages and mountain forests, and wander along riverbanks and open plains. Consequently, the *Classic of Poetry* contains both bold and lively expressions of love, such as "Please, dear Zhongzi, do not leap over my wall," as well as playful marital life such as "The woman says, 'The cock has crowed,' the man says, 'It is still dark.'" There is also the bone-deep yearning captured in lines like "My husband has gone away on service, I know not when he will return," and the desolate sentiment of seeing things and recalling the departed, as expressed in "My heart is filled with sorrow, when will it ever pass away?"
From the love at first sight and lifelong pledge found in *Wild Creeping Grass*, to the prolonged, hopeless yet unyielding remembrance and waiting in *Male Pheasant*, to the fulfillment and happiness of entering the marriage hall and building a nest for love in *Magpie's Nest*, down to the grief and bitterness of a woman being abandoned in *Wind and Rain*, and finally to the painful separation of life and death with no prospect of return in *Beat the Drums*, the *Classic of Poetry* portrays every facet of human romance and love without exception. Joy, anger, sorrow, and happiness are all expressed directly and passionately, yet they remain restrained and profound.
This quality of being "happy without being licentious, and sorrowful without causing injury" in the *Classic of Poetry* stems from the primitive and natural temperament of the early ancestors. In that era when heaven and earth had newly been established and human minds remained uncultivated, whether tilling the soil in the fields, chopping firewood in the mountains, offering pious sacrifices, participating in communal hunts, embarking on distant military expeditions, or strolling along the banks of the River Qi, all these activities formed an integral part of the daily lives of the early people. Every beginning, development, turning point, and conclusion of love in the *Classic of Poetry* is inextricably linked to these daily customs and habits. Therefore, the early people never isolated love from reality through narcissism and self-pity; rather, amidst the open fields, mountains, rivers, and streams, and during the processes of gathering plants, felling trees, and recreational outings, they fully enjoyed the beauty of love while bravely enduring its hardships and afflictions.
The Exquisitely Crafted *Kaogong Ji*
The *Kaogong Ji* (*Artificers' Record*) is an important ancient Chinese text on science and technology; both its author and exact date of composition remain unknown. It is generally believed that this book was written in the State of Song and the State of Qi during the transition from the late Spring and Autumn period to the early Warring States period. As an official state publication of Qi, it originated from the intellectuals of the Jixia Academy.
During the Western Han dynasty, Prince Xian of Hejian, Liu De, compiled the *Zhouguan* (*Offices of Zhou*). Because the chapter *Winter Office: Minister of Works* was missing, he chose to use the *Kaogong Ji* to fill the vacancy. Later, during the time of Liu Xin, the *Zhouguan* was renamed the *Zhouli* (*Rites of Zhou*), and consequently, the *Kaogong Ji* also came to be known as the *Zhouli: Kaogong Ji*.
The *Kaogong Ji* is China's earliest extant literature on handicraft techniques. Although it contains only slightly over seven thousand words, its contents are remarkably extensive, encompassing craftsmanship and techniques related to pre-Qin vehicle manufacturing, musical instruments, weaponry, bells and chimes, laundering and dyeing, water conservancy, and architecture, alongside natural science knowledge in mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology, and astronomy. It can be said to be a comprehensive work integrating both theoretical and applied sciences, occupying a pivotal position in the history of Chinese science, technology, and craftsmanship.
On the other hand, because this book is considered an official treatise of the State of Qi—used as a guiding and supervisory programmatic document by the government for the development of scientific and technological industries—it reflected Qi's requirements and industry standards in the aforementioned fields at that time. From it, one can discern the level of social productive forces during the Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods.
Although the contents of the *Kaogong Ji* primarily pertain to the realms of science and engineering, it flowed from the pens of the scholars of the Jixia Academy. Consequently, its language is elegant and smooth, its phrasing concise yet rich in meaning. It possesses both the rigor and systematic organization expected of a scientific and technological manual, as well as the cultural heritage and literary flavor characteristic of a pre-Qin classic.
The annotation and study of this book can be approached from multiple perspectives: one may cut in from the level of science and technology, or approach it from the level of social culture. Consequently, scholarly studies and readings of the *Kaogong Ji* have emerged continuously across successive dynasties. Scholars such as Zheng Xuan in the Han dynasty, Jia Gongyan in the Tang dynasty, and Dai Zhen and Cheng Yaotian in the Qing dynasty all produced scholarly works regarding it.
Since the twentieth century, alongside the rapid advancement of science and technology, textual research scholarship has likewise developed and undergone a revolutionary leap forward. Utilizing archaeological artifacts and simulation experiments, many of the technological and artisanal methods recorded in ancient classics can be partially reproduced, allowing people to experience the wisdom and insight of the ancients with greater authenticity.
In terms of ideological content, the *Kaogong Ji* reflects, on the one hand, the early people's spirit of reverence for the Mandate of Heaven, while on the other hand reflecting the Chinese nation's characteristic emphasis on practicality. It categorizes all professions under heaven into six distinct groups: first, those who govern the state and harbor far-reaching strategic plans, known as dukes and princes; second, those who personally involve themselves in labor and act as parents to the people, known as grand masters; third, those who inspect building materials for squareness, roundness, curvature, and straightness, and forge them, known as the hundred artisans; fourth, those who travel across the four quarters to supply the needs of the people, known as merchants and travelers; fifth, those who toil in the fields and labor diligently at farming, known as farmers; and sixth, those who spin silk and hemp and manipulate the shuttles and looms, known as women workers. Furthermore, it posits that craftsmanship is jointly forged by the vital energies of heaven and earth, with humans merely inheriting and imitating them.
The *Kaogong Ji* further subdivides various crafts, categorizing artisans of the same industry into specific classifications and defining their functions.
One particularly commendable aspect is that the author of the *Kaogong Ji* had already developed a preliminary understanding of the importance of productive forces. The book places special emphasis on the improvement of production tools, meticulously listing the manufacturing and processing methods for various kinds of agricultural and production implements in an effort to standardize the most advanced craftsmanship of the time.
The text's descriptions of specific manufacturing processes can be described as meticulous down to the finest detail, fully reflecting its rigorous and conscientious character as a guiding and programmatic document. It systematically lists response plans to address various potential contingencies that might arise during production.
In terms of production procedures, the *Kaogong Ji* maintained high standards and strict requirements, incorporating seasonal timing, geographical advantages, and human harmony comprehensively into the factors of production. Although not entirely devoid of idealized coloration, this reflected the ancient people's pious and solemn attitude toward artisanal production. The text also details various techniques thoroughly, providing learners with room for self-improvement. Regarding the enforcement of manufacturing standards, the *Kaogong Ji* explicitly specified which defective goods were barred from circulation in the market, embodying a high sense of responsibility.
Moreover, the *Kaogong Ji* creatively put forward the concept of engineering process management, requiring that during construction, project timelines be estimated based on the general skill level of the workers to control completion schedules and quantify every aspect in order to enhance efficiency.
Although the *Kaogong Ji* is an "official book" deeply imbued with governmental character, it does not display a bias of "valuing officials while slighting the common people." It points out that certain vassal states did not establish specialized departments to manufacture specific items for the reason that these goods were produced within the private sector, where both quality and quantity could be reliably guaranteed. Consequently, there was no need for the government to engage in specialized state production, thereby demonstrating a preservation of folk craftsmanship and private economic activity.
The *Kaogong Ji* is profoundly extensive and far-reaching. It can be said to embody the existential states of the early people across agricultural production, industrial manufacturing, science and technology, social management, and ideology and culture. Its significance far transcends the boundaries of a technological and industrial guidebook, enduring instead in the long river of Chinese history as a classic imbued with wisdom and artistic charm.