Chapter 34: The State of Affairs Among the Spring and Autumn Kingdoms

After the cessation of hostilities, a rare period of peace emerged across the Central Plains, with over forty years passing without war between Jin and Chu. Under the bipolar pattern dominated by these two hegemonic states, other vassal states navigated their relations carefully between them.

Although Jin and Chu frequently clashed during their alliances, each vying for supremacy, they managed to maintain peaceful coexistence and mutual respect after the peace agreement. When Qu Jian, the Minister of Chu, passed away, Zhao Wu of Jin personally went to offer condolences. Later, at the Guo territory alliance, Zhao Wu again ceded the position of hegemon to Chu. With the gradual decline of Jin’s national power, its relations with Chu softened further, until eventually Jin followed Chu’s lead unquestioningly. Despite Chu’s advantage over Jin, it faced frequent internal crises and persistent pressure from the state of Wu, which helped sustain the peace between the two.

However, the situation was quite different for the other vassal states. Apart from Qi and Qin, most other states felt the new pressures brought by the peace pact. The cessation of hostilities transformed what was once blatant warfare and plunder into a systematized, ritualized extortion under the guise of propriety. Take Lu as an example: as a subordinate of Jin, even before the peace conference, it had repeatedly offered vast tributes to Jin. Whether it was a new ruler’s accession, a capital relocation, or palace completion, Lu was obliged to send envoys with costly gifts. Beyond these regular tributes, Jin often made additional, ad hoc demands. As recorded in the Zuo Zhuan, Jin’s Sima Shu Hou once remarked, “Lu’s tribute to Jin is never lacking; when luxuries appear, the dukes and ministers come one after another to court; the records never cease, and the treasury is never empty.” After the peace agreement, Lu had to pay tribute to both Jin and Chu simultaneously. The burden became so heavy that Lu eventually petitioned at the alliance meeting to redefine the tribute quotas.

Lu’s plight was shared by others. During the time of Zisi’s governance in Zheng, cattle, sheep, pelts, jade, and silk were placed at the border with Jin and Chu, always ready for tribute to the arriving armies. After the peace pact, Zheng treated Jin—its intermittent adversary over the years—with great courtesy. When Duke Ping of Jin’s wife died or remarried, and during major construction projects, Zheng repeatedly sent congratulatory gifts. The statesman Zichan of Zheng lamented, “In ancient times, the Son of Heaven arranged tribute by rank and weight; the more honored the rank, the heavier the tribute, as per Zhou’s system. Those humble yet paying heavy tribute were frontier states. The Duke of Zheng, though a man, must send tribute on behalf of lords and marquises, fearing inability to comply, and dares to petition. The lords seek peace and use it as business. The orders of propriety must be obeyed; no month passes without tribute. Where the tribute lacks quality, it is a small state’s failing and the cause of offense. The lords maintain alliances to preserve small states. If tribute is insufficient, ruin is inevitable.”

Still, Zheng could negotiate with Jin under Zichan’s firm stance. Other states fared worse. Wei, for example, suffered so greatly that it was compelled to send populations as tribute to Jin. In the 13th year of Duke Ding of Lu (497 BCE), Jin’s Prime Minister Zhao Yang resettled 500 households from Wei in Jinyang, sparking internecine conflicts among the Zhao, Fan, and Zhonghang clans.

While Jin oppressed the smaller states, Chu was no less domineering. The year following the peace meeting, Zheng sent the official You Ji to Chu, only to be rebuffed for not having sufficient rank. Chu demanded Duke Jian of Zheng’s personal attendance. You Ji, despite his best efforts, was denied entry and returned in frustration. Duke Jian, helpless, sent You Ji to Jin instead and went himself to Chu accompanied by Zichan.

Lu suffered similar humiliations at the hands of Chu. When Duke Xiang of Lu visited Chu, it coincided with King Kang’s death, and Chu demanded that Duke Xiang dress the late king’s body. Unable to defy such indignity, Duke Xiang followed the advice of Shusun Bao to have a shaman dispel the coffin’s “evil spirit” as consolation. At King Kang’s funeral, rulers from Lu, Chen, and Xu attended. In the 7th year of Duke Zhao of Lu (535 BCE), King Ling of Chu undertook grand construction of the Zhanghua Terrace and openly summoned the vassal states to its dedication ceremony, demanding Duke Zhao’s personal presence from Lu—an extreme display of arrogance.

Although these smaller states were burdened, the peace agreement did redirect their focus from interstate warfare to addressing internal challenges. To adapt to evolving productive forces and resulting political changes, each state implemented new policies and reforms, ushering in profound political and economic transformations during the Spring and Autumn period.

Jin was deeply affected by the peace meeting. The stipulated “mutual visits between Jin and Chu” disadvantaged Jin considerably. Before the peace, Lu, Song, Wei, and even Zheng acknowledged Jin’s supremacy, while Chu’s vassals were limited to Chen, Cai, and Xu—all relatively small. Post-peace, these states gravitated toward Chu, and along with dependent states like Zhu, Tan, and Ju, Jin’s influence in the Central Plains waned. Jin accepted these terms largely because internal factionalism among its noble clans was nearing a breaking point.

Unlike other states ruled by the royal clan, Jin’s power rested with the aristocratic clans. The “royal clan” referred to the king’s descendants, while “aristocratic clans” were noble families of different surnames. After wars of annexation during Duke Xian’s reign and the turmoil caused by Li Ji’s rebellion under Duke Xian, Jin’s royal clan had effectively vanished, replaced by the aristocratic clans wielding power. Their rising influence marginalized the monarch’s authority. This trend began before the peace agreement and intensified as factional strife among the aristocrats caused internal chaos, accelerating Jin’s decline. By the late Spring and Autumn period, power concentrated in the hands of six major aristocratic families—the “Six Lords.”

Qi’s situation was similar. After the peace pact, Qi’s old noble families, the Gao and Guo clans, had weakened from internal strife, while the emerging Cui and Qing clans were unpopular due to repeated regicide and rebellion. Taking advantage, the Chen clan—descendants of the state of Chen who had fled to Qi—gained popular support and strengthened their position. Together with other aristocratic families like the Bao, they suppressed rebellious royal clans like the Luan and Gao families and gradually dominated Qi’s political scene, laying the foundation for the Tian clan’s eventual replacement of the Guo family during the Warring States period.

Lu’s situation was unique: the descendants of Duke Huan—three houses known as the Jisun, Mengsun, and Shusun clans—hereditarily controlled state affairs, gradually sidelining the sovereign. However, later, retainers within the royal clan rose, forming a system where “retainers exercised state authority.”

In Zheng, power was monopolized by descendants of Duke Mu, collectively called the Seven Mu. Among them, Zichan was an enlightened statesman. In Song and Wei, though royal authority remained somewhat strong, aristocratic factions frequently stirred unrest. Overall, the peace agreement catalyzed political changes within each state, concentrating aristocratic power and leading to the establishment of codified laws. These developments altered interstate relations and ushered in the late Spring and Autumn era.

The growing power of the aristocratic ministers was a persistent problem since Jin’s founding. The Zhao, Xi, Luan, and Zhonghang clans successively governed the state, posing grave threats to royal authority. This not only influenced Jin’s foreign policy—forcing acceptance of unfavorable peace terms—but also caused severe domestic instability.

On the 26th day of the ninth month in the 2nd year of Duke Xuan of Lu (607 BCE), Zhao Dun “assassinated” the ruler, and Zhao clan ministers became dominant in court. During Duke Jing’s reign, the Zhao’s power was greatly curtailed through the execution of Zhao Tong and Zhao Kuo, but after Zhao Wu’s restoration, their influence gradually rebounded.

By Duke Li’s reign, the Xi clan—led by Xi Qi, Xi Jun, and Xi Zhi, an uncle and two nephews—were the most powerful aristocrats, all three among the eight lords, their family at its zenith. Their arrogance instilled fear throughout the court. After the Battle of Yanling, the three Xi believed they had won great glory for Jin and were virtually untouchable. Their power directly threatened Duke Li’s rule, who sought to eliminate them in favor of his own confidants, especially the brothers of his many favored concubines.

One such brother, Xu Tong, harbored deep hatred for the Xi clan because his father, Xu Ke, was ousted by them. He longed to destroy the “Three Xi” to satisfy his grudge. Another minister, Luan Shu, resented Xi Zhi for rejecting his strategy at Yanling, which led to a costly victory against Chu. Luan Shu bribed Chu heavily to deceive Duke Li, claiming the battle was a conspiracy by Xi Zhi to install Prince Zhou with Chu’s help, foiled only because allied states were unprepared. Luan Shu also arranged for Xi Zhi to meet Prince Zhou in the capital, fueling Duke Li’s suspicions and resolve to purge the clan.

Given the Xi clan’s usual arrogance, many in Jin’s court resented them. Duke Li commissioned Xu Tong, Yi Yang Wu, and Chang Yu Jiao, leading 800 soldiers to annihilate the Three Xi. Xu Tong seized the opportunity to arrest Prime Minister Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan, demanding their execution alongside the Xi clan. Duke Li, however, showed reluctant mercy, unwilling to kill more out of personal vendetta, and released Luan Shu and Zhonghang Yan, even sending envoys to comfort them.

Though outwardly grateful, both men deeply distrusted Duke Li, whose cruelty led many ministers to liken him to tyrants like Xia Jie and Shang Zhou. The year following the Xi clan’s downfall, Luan Shu conspired with Zhonghang Yan to imprison Duke Li. They sent Cheng Hua to kill him in prison. Duke Li was buried modestly near the east gate, while his confidant Chang Yu Jiao fled to the Di tribe, and Xu Tong was killed, nearly eradicating their faction.

Duke Li’s assassination marked another major upheaval in Jin since Duke Ling’s reign. After eliminating Duke Li, Luan Shu justified the move by citing the need for a ruler and dispatched Xun Ying and Shi Fang to Luoyi to escort Prince Zhou, who ascended the throne amid this turmoil as Duke Dao of Jin.

Duke Dao ascended at the age of fourteen. His grandfather Jie was Duke Xiang’s son but too young to rule, though favored and known as Huan Shu. Huan Shu fathered Hui Bo Tan, Duke Dao’s father. Due to Jin’s policy of “not harboring many princes,” Huan Shu’s branch was settled in Luoyi. Despite youth, Prince Zhou was reputed for wisdom and virtue, well-versed in poetry and classics, with keen insight into the world’s affairs.

Given decades of internal strife and repeated regicide, Duke Dao, though invited back, remained highly cautious. Ten days after Duke Li’s death, flattered by Luan Shu and others, he returned to Jin. At Jiang, he made a solemn oath with the ministers, warning, “I am a stranger in a foreign land, not expecting to return home, nor to be a ruler. What I value in rulership is the source of command. If I hold the title but do not enforce commands, I am no ruler. If you accept my orders, it is only for today. If not, go serve someone else. I cannot bear an empty title, a mere successor to the prefecture of Pu.”

This speech, seemingly casual, was a stern reprimand of Luan Shu’s overbearing conduct and a demand for loyalty. At just fourteen, Duke Dao assumed the heavy responsibility of restoring Jin’s fortunes.

He proceeded vigorously, first rectifying past abuses by executing five officials, including Yi Yang Wu and Qing Fei Chi, for “flattering the ruler in evil deeds,” executing Cheng Hua for Duke Li’s murder, but sparing Luan Shu—who had helped him ascend—by demoting him to retirement and promoting his eldest son Luan Yin to office.

Then, Duke Dao focused on state welfare: reducing taxes, easing punishments, canceling debts owed to officials and nobles, caring for widows and orphans, aiding famine victims, prohibiting decadent and corrupt behaviors, and strictly regulating agricultural practices and construction projects by the state and aristocrats.

In foreign affairs, Duke Dao had his own vision. In his second year, he convened Lu, Song, Wei, Cao, and Zhu at Qi, adopting Lu’s Zhong Sun Mie’s proposal to fortify Tiger Pass to pressure Zheng. This led Zheng to break from Chu and align with Jin; Chen soon followed. He also heeded Minister Wei Jiang’s advice to make peace with the Rong and Di peoples, removing concerns about a southern campaign against Chu.

Through these decisive measures, Jin restored its strength to contend with Chu. Duke Dao’s policies of protecting Song, pacifying the Rong, allying with Wu, and exhausting enemies fostered prosperity marked by no stagnation or hardship, no harsh prohibitions nor exploitation. Jin gradually regained its hegemonic status, commanding the allegiance of vassal states and becoming the preeminent power of the realm.