Chapter 33: The Mutual Diplomatic Visits Between the States of Jin and Chu

Sucessão das Dinastias ao Longo da História Tio Salgado Tonga 4623 words 2026-08-05 03:30:48

As Shi Xie of the Jin state had anticipated, the effectiveness of Hua Yuan’s peace initiative did not last long. Only four years later, the armies of Jin and Chu clashed once again in a major war.

After the peace initiative, while Jin did not continue to clash with Chu in the Central Plains, it actively expanded its influence in the surrounding regions. At the Battle of Mazui, Jin soundly defeated the Qin army, greatly bolstering its national power. Influenced by this, the states of the Central Plains returned to the side of Jin. Relying on Jin's power, the Zheng state went so far as to launch two attacks on the Xu state. Since the time of King Zhuang of Chu, Xu had become a vassal of Chu; this move by Zheng was undoubtedly an affront to Chu’s hegemony.

In the fifteenth year of Duke Cheng of Lu (576 BC), King Gong of Chu, having recovered from his crises, planned to lead his troops north to avenge Xu. When he convened his ministers to discuss the matter, Zi Nang urged him to abide by the Hua Yuan peace agreement, suggesting that the issue be resolved through diplomatic means. However, Zi Fan retorted, "When the enemy is vulnerable, we advance; what need is there for treaties?" King Gong of Chu subsequently tore up the covenant and launched an attack on Zheng and Wei. Zheng, refusing to be outdone, sent its own troops to attack Chu. The Central Plains region was once again plunged into a state of war.

In fairness, while Chu was not without justification for its military action, given the backdrop of the Hua Yuan peace initiative, Zi Fan’s argument was undoubtedly untenable. Chu’s mobilization left it in a passive diplomatic position. Seeing this, Jin was happy to push the boat along with the current, convening an alliance of Qi, Song, Wei, Zheng, and the southeastern state of Wu at Zhongli to jointly oppose Chu. With this, the Hua Yuan peace initiative officially collapsed.

Seeing the situation turn unfavorable, Chu immediately made a separate peace with Zheng. Having received the land of Ruyin as compensation, Zheng immediately defected to Chu’s side and formed an alliance with them. Supported by Chu, Zheng attacked Song and achieved victory, while Wei, at the instigation of Jin, attacked Zheng.

These small-scale conquests in the Central Plains were merely the prelude to the formal collision between Jin and Chu. The true climax of the war would have to wait for the main armies of Jin and Chu, which had been lurking behind the scenes, to formally engage. Sure enough, in the following year, Jin officially launched an expedition against Zheng. Zheng immediately sought aid from Chu, and Chu promptly dispatched its army. The armies of Jin and Chu met at Yanling (north of present-day Yanling, Henan). A great battle was imminent.

The Jin army did not appear fully prepared for a head-on confrontation with Chu. Upon hearing that the Chu army was approaching, Shi Xie wanted to "retreat three stages" to avoid a decisive battle between the main forces. However, Xi Zhi firmly opposed this, and Shi Xie’s son, Fan Gai, supported Xi Zhi, suggesting they fill in the wells and stoves in their camp and fight to the death there. Although Fan Gai’s daring, "newborn calf" rhetoric was sternly rebuked by Shi Xie, it won the approval of other Jin ministers. Luan Shu proposed that the Jin army hold the camp firmly to avoid a decisive battle, wait for an opportunity to counterattack, and strike only after the enemy had exposed their weaknesses, stating, "Hold the fortifications and wait; they will certainly retreat in three days. Once they retreat, we strike, and we will surely be victorious."

It must be said that before the battle began, the Chu army did indeed possess a certain advantage. The day was the last day of the lunar month, considered inauspicious during the Spring and Autumn period. The Chu army acted in defiance of this, approaching and deploying against the Jin army under the cover of a thick fog at dawn. At this time, the reinforcements from Qi, Lu, Song, and Wei had not yet arrived, and the Jin army was caught off guard.

Although many generals emphasized that the Chu army was densely arrayed and filled with capable commanders, making them difficult to resist, Xi Zhi calmly analyzed the weaknesses of the Chu forces. He pointed out that the Chu commanders Zi Fan and Zi Zhong had a poor relationship, their troops were aging and lacked high combat effectiveness, the Zheng and Chu formations were disorganized, and they were fighting on an inauspicious day—all of which pointed to a disastrous defeat. Meanwhile, Miao Benhuang, who had defected from Chu to Jin and was well-versed in Chu’s military tactics, noted that Chu’s elite main force was in the center. He suggested concentrating superior forces to first crush the left and right wings before encircling the center. Urged by Xi Zhi, Miao Benhuang, and others, Duke Li of Jin finally decided to engage the Chu army head-on.

The Jin tactical arrangement proved effective. Under the fierce assault of the Jin main force, the left and right wings of the Chu army could not hold. The Jin army eventually closed in on the Chu center, and King Gong of Chu was even struck in the left eye by an arrow from the Jin general Wei Qi, leaving him in a wretched state. Although the Chu troops were routed, their high combat prowess and stubborn fighting spirit exceeded Jin's expectations. The famous Chu archer Yang Youji displayed his prowess amidst the retreating troops, first killing Wei Qi with an arrow, then leading forces to fend off the Jin pursuit. Another fierce warrior, Shu Shanran, used Jin soldiers as projectiles, throwing them at the Jin chariots and forcing the Jin army to halt its advance.

The two sides fought fiercely for the entire day, ending only at dusk. Although the battle appeared to favor Jin, the Chu army was not crushed, and the gains for Jin were extremely limited, with only the capture of the Chu noble Gongzi Fan. As night fell, both sides withdrew to their camps to reorganize, treat the wounded, replenish supplies, repair weapons, and redeploy for the following day.

At this point, Miao Benhuang devised a brilliant plan. He ordered his men to secretly loosen the guard on Chu prisoners, allowing them to escape back to the Chu camp to report the state of the Jin army’s preparations, thereby shaking Chu’s morale. Indeed, upon receiving this news, King Gong of Chu convened a military conference, but Zi Fan, the commander of the center, was so heavily intoxicated that he was unconscious and could not attend. King Gong of Chu, still young, sighed upon hearing this, "Heaven has abandoned Chu! I cannot wait any longer." He ordered a retreat. The next day, the fully armed Jin troops discovered that the Chu army had withdrawn overnight. They occupied the Chu camp, seized all their grain and supplies, and it was only then that the Jin reinforcements arrived at Yanling. On the Chu side, Zi Fan, having missed the opportunity for battle, was rebuked by King Gong and pressured by his rival Zi Zhong, ultimately committing suicide to atone for his failure. Thus, the Battle of Yanling ended in victory for Jin.

There were many reasons for Chu’s defeat at the Battle of Yanling: first, they lacked a righteous cause, placing them at a moral and public opinion disadvantage; second, in their rush to seize a tactical advantage, they ignored the actual speed of their troops, forcing a march that led to fatigue and decreased combat effectiveness; third, their military commanders made errors in judgment and lacked effective coordination, leaving them tactically passive and only surviving through the prowess of individual soldiers; finally, the commander-in-chief failed to uphold military discipline, squandering the opportunity for victory.

Compared to Chu, Jin’s victory was undoubtedly due to its correct strategy and tactics. However, unlike the Battle of Chengpu which established Jin’s hegemony, the Battle of Yanling did not bring Jin the expected political benefits. The disputes between ministers before the battle regarding whether to fight or retreat showed that Jin’s government was fractured, its ministers were disunited, and the ruler and subjects were at odds. As the Lu official Xuan Bo said after the war, "The government of Jin is split; it cannot be followed. It is better to serve Qi or Chu. We are doomed regardless; there is no point in following Jin anymore!"

During the war, the hesitation and inaction of the reinforcements from Qi, Lu, Song, and Wei were a concrete manifestation of this sentiment. Therefore, although Jin won the Battle of Yanling, it did not gain control over the states of the Central Plains. In particular, Zheng, which was friendly with Chu, refused to bow to Jin. Indeed, shortly after the Battle of Yanling, internal strife broke out in Jin, and the Three Xi families and Duke Li of Jin died in the turmoil. Although Duke Dao of Jin later restored the hegemony, the decline of the Jin state could not be reversed.

The Battle of Yanling was the third and final major engagement between the main armies of Jin and Chu during their decades-long struggle for hegemony. It marked the failure of Chu’s ambition to dominate the Central Plains, and while Jin was victorious, its influence over the regional states gradually waned.

After the Battle of Yanling, the rivalry between Jin and Chu intensified once again. At this time, Qi, Lu, Song, and Wei were friendly with Jin, while Qin, Zheng, Chen, and Cai were close to Chu. Although Jin won at Yanling, constrained by its internal situation, its hegemony in the Central Plains remained unstable. To expand its influence, Jin repeatedly attacked Zheng, but Zheng, mindful of Chu’s aid at Yanling, leaned politically toward Chu and, with Chu’s support, fought Jin for over a decade. Though eventually forced to compromise with Jin due to exhaustion, Zheng always maintained secret ties with Chu.

Although Chu was defeated at Yanling, it was not critically weakened and remained capable of contending with Jin. Consequently, it grew closer to Qin, which also had grievances with Jin. The two not only agreed to attack Jin together but also formed marriage ties. However, Chu was simultaneously subjected to increasingly fierce attacks from the rising state of Wu. While both sides had their victories and losses, Chu’s attention was diverted to the southeast, naturally weakening its focus on the Central Plains. Meanwhile, the eastern state of Qi took the opportunity to expand its influence, attempting to vie with Jin for the position of hegemon.

Long-term warfare placed a heavy burden on all states. Under these turbulent circumstances, internal strife erupted in various states, triggering a new wave of political change as ministers, high officials, and scholars gradually seized actual power. Internal turmoil broke out in Jin, Zheng, and Qi. In particular, the infighting between the ministerial families and the rulers in Jin caused a severe decline in national strength, leaving it barely able to maintain a facade of power.

This chaotic situation lasted for about thirty years. The protracted war and escalating domestic conflicts made it difficult even for superpowers like Jin and Chu to continue, let alone the small states caught in between. Against this backdrop, another "peace initiative" became the consensus among the feudal states.

The first to lower his stance was Zhao Wu, the chief minister of Jin at the time. As the former "Orphan of Zhao," he sought to alleviate the sharp conflicts between the states by first reducing the amount of regular tribute small states were required to pay to Jin. He then expressed, through the Lu official Shusun Bao, his hope that someone would step forward to mediate between Jin and Chu to reach a peace agreement.

Zhao Wu’s proposal was welcomed by the rulers of the various states. In Qi, where internal strife had not yet ended and the Cui and Qing families held power, there was a natural need to befriend other states to stabilize the situation. In Zheng, the ruling official Zi Chan, seeing the movement toward peace among the states, adopted a "clear the fields" policy when the allied forces of Chu, Chen, Cai, and Xu attacked, offering no resistance and thus providing room for peace talks.

As conditions for peace ripened, someone naturally stepped forward to volunteer as a mediator. The host of the previous Hua Yuan peace initiative had been a Song official, and this time, the Song official Xiang Xu stepped up. Similar to Hua Yuan, Xiang Xu was close to Zhao Wu and also had a friendship with the Chu Lingyin (Prime Minister) Qu Jian. Seeing the states advocating for peace, Xiang Xu decided to emulate his predecessor and host the peace conference again. This would not only stop the war but also greatly enhance the prestige and status of the Song state.

With this goal, Xiang Xu embarked on a lobbying mission. He visited the four most powerful states: Jin, Chu, Qi, and Qin. Relying on his personal connections with those in power, Jin and Chu naturally agreed, and Qin readily consented. Only Qi hesitated for a while, but eventually agreed under the persuasion of the official Tian Wenzi. Seeing the major powers support the peace initiative, the smaller states followed suit.

In the twenty-seventh year of Duke Xiang of Lu (546 BC), the second peace conference was convened at the western gate of Song. Compared to the previous Hua Yuan initiative, the scale and scope of this one were significantly increased. Fourteen states—Jin, Chu, Qi, Qin, Lu, Wei, Chen, Cai, Zheng, Xu, Song, Zhu, Teng, and Cao—sent representatives, with Xiang Xu serving as the host.

Through Xiang Xu’s mediation, Jin and Chu established the basic framework that their respective vassals should visit each other—the so-called "mutual visits between the followers of Jin and Chu." However, because Qi and Qin were stronger and were allied with Jin and Chu respectively, they were granted exceptions, and since Zhu and Teng were vassals of Qi and Song, they did not need to participate in the alliance.

Although a peace agreement was reached, the atmosphere remained tense before the ceremony. Having fought for years, Jin and Chu harbored deep hatred and mutual suspicion. During the official ceremony, to guard against potential betrayal, the Chu delegation secretly wore armor under their ceremonial robes, intending to fight at the slightest provocation. Qu Jian, the Lingyin of Chu, declared: "Jin and Chu have long lacked trust; it is only a matter of interest. If we can achieve our goals, what need is there for trust?" Learning of this, Jin also prepared, planning to storm the capital of Song and hold the city for defense if the situation changed.

At the formal meeting, representatives from all states adopted the previously agreed-upon treaty and determined the proportion of tribute each state should pay to the two powers. However, when it came to the final blood-oath ceremony, Jin and Chu argued again over who should be the leader of the alliance. Neither side would yield, and the negotiations nearly collapsed. Finally, persuaded by the Jin official Shu Xiang, Chu was allowed to serve as the leader of the alliance, but in exchange, the name of Jin was written first on the covenant.

Despite the many disturbances, the second peace conference, known in history as the "Xiang Xu Peace Initiative," finally concluded successfully. Compared to the short-lived Hua Yuan initiative, this one lasted much longer. From then on, the states enjoyed several decades without major warfare, ushering in a rare period of peace.

The peace conference established a bipolar political structure where Jin and Chu jointly held hegemony. For major powers like Jin, Chu, Qi, and Qin, the conference helped manage increasingly sharp domestic conflicts and restore national strength depleted by war. For the small states of the Central Plains, while they were spared the disruption and destruction of war, they also bore the heavy burden of submitting to two great powers and paying double the tribute.

After the peace conference, the rulers of Qi, Chen, Cai, Qi (the state), as well as Yan, Hu, Shen, and the Bai Di tribes went to Jin the following year to pay homage to Duke Ping of Jin; meanwhile, the rulers of Lu, Song, Chen, Zheng, and Xu paid homage to King Kang of Chu. From then on, these small states were "weary from traveling to the courts of Jin and Chu," and "exhausted their lands' resources, increased their gifts and tributes, fulfilled their duties, followed orders, and celebrated or mourned as required," leading to a situation where they "dared not live in peace, exhausting their meager resources to attend these events."

In the first year of Duke Zhao of Lu (541 BC), five years after the Xiang Xu peace initiative, the states met again in the land of Guo to reaffirm and emphasize the spirit of the peace conference. Although the Xiang Xu peace initiative was achieved at the expense of the smaller states to maintain the survival space of the great powers, the achievement of peace through diplomatic means—especially the leading roles played by the state of Song in both conferences—demonstrated the positive significance of the initiative. The peace conferences propelled the historical process of the Spring and Autumn period and had a profound impact.